Читаем Russia. A History полностью

None of the revolutionaries, and least of all the future SRs, could openly endorse Witte’s policies. But the two main groups of Marxists (there were still others, the most vital of which was the Jewish Social Democratic ‘Bund’) did greet the spread of capitalist industry as evidence of the predictive power and dialectical astuteness of their Marxist ‘science’ and welcomed the appearance of both industrial bourgeoisie and industrial proletariat as positive omens of impending class struggle. New labour unrest provided them with further evidence: the militant ‘Obukhov defence’ in St Petersburg in 1901 and general strikes in Rostov-on-the-Don and Odessa in 1903, Russia’s greatest year of labour unrest before 1905. Predictably, the industrial recession that set in around 1900, discrediting the Witte system in the eyes of many, was viewed by most Marxists not as a sign of the weakness of Russia’s economy (and its dependence on foreign capital), but as further evidence that a capitalist Russia was now enmeshed in the international business cycle. It was.

Militant Moderates: 1900–1904

The years 1900–4, while displaying great continuity with the 1890s, also witnessed some important new lines of development. One was a burgeoning aggressiveness and self-assertion on the part of liberal constitutionalists. Their centres of gravity were both the zemstvos (including zemstvo employees, generally more radical than their gentry employers) and the thriving professional associations of lawyers, doctors, academics, and journalists, all of them inspired by resurgent unrest among university students (which, after all, most professional intelligentsia had been). At the same time, these years also witnessed the revival of revolutionary terrorism. Usually conducted by a conspiratorial section of the PSR, this terrorism evoked unexpected sympathy among other, less radical members of educated society, many of whom were increasingly alienated from the autocratic state. And, perhaps most important, during these years Russia’s Asian policy became increasingly expansionist and aggressive, culminating in a fateful war with Japan in 1904–5. That war, and especially its glaringly unsuccessful conduct and the resulting national humiliation, served to raise the level of political unrest in almost every layer of society and within every political grouping, pushing Russian political dialogue several degrees to the left.

The immediate political beneficiary was the movement of liberal constitutionalists. Having started to stir again in the 1890s, they now came to life as never before and, I would argue, never again. By 1902 zemstvo activists—including zemstvo agronomists and other employees, the so-called ‘Third Element’—joined together with urban professionals and even some former Marxists to organize their own illegal, left-liberal paper (Liberation, published in Stuttgart under the editorial leadership of Struve). In one respect, namely their conception of a newspaper as ‘political organ’ and organizing centre for their movement, the ‘Liberationists’ were not very different from Lenin, who in his famous 1902 tract What is to be Done? treated the SD paper Iskra (the Spark) with the same tender adulation as Struve and his colleagues soon were treating Osvobozhdenie (Liberation).

Liberals also turned out to be ingenious at developing their own non-revolutionary yet militant tactics, of which the most effective was the ‘banquet campaign’ of November-December 1904 (inspired by a similar campaign before the French Revolution of 1848). They used the pretence of every plausible anniversary celebration—from the Emancipation to the 1864 judicial reforms—to assemble, in defiance of government restrictions, and draw society’s attention to the need for constitutional reform. Unsuccessful war had been a major catalyst for change half a century earlier, a lesson not lost on the constitutionalists of 1904–5. And whereas the assassination of Alexander II had purportedly thwarted reform, the new wave of assassinations (which included three imperial ministers and a grand duke and culminated in the SR murder of Plehve, the hated Minister of Interior, in July 1904) actually served to debase the government’s credit and quicken the winds of change. That even liberals like Pavel Miliukov seemed to welcome news of Plehve’s assassination was a sure sign of trouble ahead for the state.