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The Joint Chiefs of Staff unanimously agreed that the Soviet missiles had to be attacked at once, without any warning. Like the Jupiters in Italy and Turkey, the missiles in Cuba weren’t protected by concrete silos. From a strictly military point of view, they were useful only for a Soviet first strike. And their strategic purpose seemed to be a decapitation attack against the military and civilian leadership of the United States. The Ballistic Missile Early Warning System was oriented to the north and the east, not the south. Missiles launched from Cuba might not be detected until their thermonuclear warheads hit American targets three or four minutes later. The Joint Chiefs recommended a massive air strike against the Soviet missiles, planes, and weapons in Cuba. A limited strike would not only be more dangerous, they argued, it might be worse than doing nothing at all. Missiles that survived the attack would probably be hidden or launched — and the one opportunity to destroy them, lost.

The strategic implications of the missiles meant less to President Kennedy than the intangible threat they posed. “It doesn’t make any difference if you get blown up by an ICBM flying from the Soviet Union or one that was ninety miles away,” he said the day after the missiles were discovered. Failing to destroy them or to force their removal would make America look weak. It might encourage the Soviets to move against Berlin. But attacking the missiles brought a whole new set of risks. At a meeting with the Joint Chiefs of Staff on October 19, four days into the crisis, after the president and his brother and his national security advisers had gone back and forth discussing what sort of action to take, the stark differences between America’s civilian and military leadership were exposed.

“If we attack Cuba, the missiles, or Cuba, in any way then it gives [the Soviets] a clear line to take Berlin,” President Kennedy said.

General LeMay disagreed.

“We’ve got the Berlin problem staring us in the face anyway,” LeMay said. “If we don’t do anything to Cuba, then they’re going to push on Berlin and push real hard because they’ve got us on the run.”

LeMay thought the Strategic Air Command was so overwhelmingly powerful, and America’s nuclear superiority was so great, that the Soviets wouldn’t dare to attack Berlin or the United States. Anything short of an air strike on Cuba, he told Kennedy, would be “almost as bad as the appeasement at Munich” that led to the Second World War. The remark was especially pointed: Kennedy’s father had long been criticized for supporting that appeasement of Hitler. An extraordinary exchange soon occurred between America’s commander in chief and one of its most prominent generals:

PRESIDENT KENNEDY: What did you say?

LEMAY: You’re in a pretty bad fix.

PRESIDENT KENNEDY: You’re in there with me. [Slight laughter, a bit forced.] Personally.

When the meeting ended, Kennedy left the Cabinet Room, unsure about what to do. The tape recorder was still running. General David Shoup, commandant of the Marine Corps, turned to LeMay. “I just agree with you,” Shoup said. “I agree with you a hundred percent.”

On the evening of October 22, America’s television networks interrupted their regularly scheduled programming to broadcast a special message from the president. Appearing somber and grim behind his desk in the Oval Office, Kennedy informed the nation that Soviet missiles had been spotted in Cuba. He called upon Khrushchev to “eliminate this clandestine, reckless and provocative threat to world peace.” He reminded viewers that a policy of appeasement, of allowing aggressive conduct to go unchallenged, had led to the Second World War. And he declared that the United States was imposing a modified blockade, a “quarantine,” on the shipment of offensive weapons to Cuba. The Soviet missiles had to be removed, and Khrushchev had to “move the world back from the abyss of destruction.” Otherwise, Kennedy said, the United States would take further, unspecified actions.